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Introduction: epistemic mutations -- Managing knowledge, governing society -- Systemic disruptions, systemic response -- The neoliberal paradigm and beyond -- The emergence of a research and innovation paradigm -- The research and innovation paradigm -- The case of Japan -- A new version of the research and innovation paradigm -- Reflexive processes, governing models -- Conclusion. The fifth sphere, new modernity.

International audience ; My work intends to situate the meaning of the Fukushima catastrophe in world history. It is worldwide collaborative construction. The present paper opens a debate referring to the meaning of the Lisbon earthquake in the European 18th century Enlightenment process, exemplified for instance by Voltaire's Candide. The French title "epistemico-political" refers precisely to the "theologico-politique" explored by Spinoza in the second half of the 17th century.It is the challenge of the present stage of modernity. ; Le but est de situer Fukushima dans l'histoire mondiale. L'adjectif épistémo-politique fait référence à la question du théologico-politique propre au XVIIe siècle européen, tel que l'a développé Spinoza dans son traité. Son urgence et ses conséquences caractérisent notre temps, sans effacer pour autant le problème traité par Spinoza. Cinq ans après la catastrophe, le choc initial semble en apparence assimilé par nos vies quotidiennes, intégré à nos attitudes et comportements. Mais rien n'est oublié : le sens de l'événement continue à se déployer et construire. Dès le 11 mars 2011, la catastrophe a déclenché une investigation et un apprentissage collectifs d'une profondeur semblable aux événements disruptifs qui ont marqué l'histoire moderne. Ce processus ne peut être comparé qu'à un tsunami. La vague ne cesse de monter, elle n'a pas encore pleinement déferlé. Le sens historique de l'événement est encore en gestation. Mais la vague a depuis longtemps dépassé son lieu initial : l'Allemagne et la Suisse ont renoncé au nucléaire, l'ancien Premier ministre Koizumi explique pourquoi le Japon doit suivre leur exemple, Areva, « géant français du nucléaire », est en train de disparaître, la Chine envisageait en octobre 2015 la construction d'une centaine de centrales nucléaires. Ce travail sur Fukushima entend surfer le tsunami de l'événement, il a donc connu plusieurs étapes qui tentent chaque fois d'être une avancée. Les étapes précédentes sont tout aussi importantes que les suivantes et ...

Traduction japonaise, original anglais disponible en ligne sur HAL-SHS. Remerciements à Matoba Hiroshi pour sa traduction. ; International audience ; This paper responds to two different contexts. The first one was the coming UK referendum and, whatever the result, the challenge for the EU to reinvent itself or dissolve if it continues failing European populations. The second context was a deep questioning in Japan, but also in South Korea, about the future of East Asia and of ASEAN: is a convergence possible beyond economic interactions? How to breach cultural divides? How to overcome the search for hegemony, deep historical hatred, in order to reach and establish a common ground? The paper analyzes the presupposition of the European construction from the beginning: a union can be negotiated and instituted by the construction of a joint or common economic sphere. This construction has always denied or even repressed the fact that the autonomization of the economic sphere is complex historical process different for each nation in Europe or in the rest of the world. So the economic sphere has different relations to politics, society, knowledge production and education, even religion, in each nation. The same can be said of the conception and practice of public opinion, the structure and role of the state, etc. A union based on the presupposition of a common economic sphere becomes unsustainable in time of crisis. No solution can be hoped from the minds of politicians and bureaucrats: they don't act at the level where solutions can be found. "Culture", like "market", does not touch the problems at stake. The only real solution is to produce and share knowledge on the differentiation in each case of politics, civil society, the economy, research and education, even religion in order to map the differences and the family ressemblance between the different national trajectories. This joint knowledge is the only common ground of a coherent and creative union in Europe. It is also true in other parts of the world where ...

Traduction japonaise, original anglais disponible en ligne sur HAL-SHS. Remerciements à Matoba Hiroshi pour sa traduction. ; International audience ; This paper responds to two different contexts. The first one was the coming UK referendum and, whatever the result, the challenge for the EU to reinvent itself or dissolve if it continues failing European populations. The second context was a deep questioning in Japan, but also in South Korea, about the future of East Asia and of ASEAN: is a convergence possible beyond economic interactions? How to breach cultural divides? How to overcome the search for hegemony, deep historical hatred, in order to reach and establish a common ground? The paper analyzes the presupposition of the European construction from the beginning: a union can be negotiated and instituted by the construction of a joint or common economic sphere. This construction has always denied or even repressed the fact that the autonomization of the economic sphere is complex historical process different for each nation in Europe or in the rest of the world. So the economic sphere has different relations to politics, society, knowledge production and education, even religion, in each nation. The same can be said of the conception and practice of public opinion, the structure and role of the state, etc. A union based on the presupposition of a common economic sphere becomes unsustainable in time of crisis. No solution can be hoped from the minds of politicians and bureaucrats: they don't act at the level where solutions can be found. "Culture", like "market", does not touch the problems at stake. The only real solution is to produce and share knowledge on the differentiation in each case of politics, civil society, the economy, research and education, even religion in order to map the differences and the family ressemblance between the different national trajectories. This joint knowledge is the only common ground of a coherent and creative union in Europe. It is also true in other parts of the world where ...

International audience ; My work intends to situate the meaning of the Fukushima catastrophe in world history. It is worldwide collaborative construction. The present paper opens a debate referring to the meaning of the Lisbon earthquake in the European 18th century Enlightenment process, exemplified for instance by Voltaire's Candide. The French title "epistemico-political" refers precisely to the "theologico-politique" explored by Spinoza in the second half of the 17th century.It is the challenge of the present stage of modernity. ; Le but est de situer Fukushima dans l'histoire mondiale. L'adjectif épistémo-politique fait référence à la question du théologico-politique propre au XVIIe siècle européen, tel que l'a développé Spinoza dans son traité. Son urgence et ses conséquences caractérisent notre temps, sans effacer pour autant le problème traité par Spinoza. Cinq ans après la catastrophe, le choc initial semble en apparence assimilé par nos vies quotidiennes, intégré à nos attitudes et comportements. Mais rien n'est oublié : le sens de l'événement continue à se déployer et construire. Dès le 11 mars 2011, la catastrophe a déclenché une investigation et un apprentissage collectifs d'une profondeur semblable aux événements disruptifs qui ont marqué l'histoire moderne. Ce processus ne peut être comparé qu'à un tsunami. La vague ne cesse de monter, elle n'a pas encore pleinement déferlé. Le sens historique de l'événement est encore en gestation. Mais la vague a depuis longtemps dépassé son lieu initial : l'Allemagne et la Suisse ont renoncé au nucléaire, l'ancien Premier ministre Koizumi explique pourquoi le Japon doit suivre leur exemple, Areva, « géant français du nucléaire », est en train de disparaître, la Chine envisageait en octobre 2015 la construction d'une centaine de centrales nucléaires. Ce travail sur Fukushima entend surfer le tsunami de l'événement, il a donc connu plusieurs étapes qui tentent chaque fois d'être une avancée. Les étapes précédentes sont tout aussi importantes que les suivantes et ...

International audience ; My work intends to situate the meaning of the Fukushima catastrophe in world history. It is worldwide collaborative construction. The present paper opens a debate referring to the meaning of the Lisbon earthquake in the European 18th century Enlightenment process, exemplified for instance by Voltaire's Candide. The French title "epistemico-political" refers precisely to the "theologico-politique" explored by Spinoza in the second half of the 17th century.It is the challenge of the present stage of modernity. ; Le but est de situer Fukushima dans l'histoire mondiale. L'adjectif épistémo-politique fait référence à la question du théologico-politique propre au XVIIe siècle européen, tel que l'a développé Spinoza dans son traité. Son urgence et ses conséquences caractérisent notre temps, sans effacer pour autant le problème traité par Spinoza. Cinq ans après la catastrophe, le choc initial semble en apparence assimilé par nos vies quotidiennes, intégré à nos attitudes et comportements. Mais rien n'est oublié : le sens de l'événement continue à se déployer et construire. Dès le 11 mars 2011, la catastrophe a déclenché une investigation et un apprentissage collectifs d'une profondeur semblable aux événements disruptifs qui ont marqué l'histoire moderne. Ce processus ne peut être comparé qu'à un tsunami. La vague ne cesse de monter, elle n'a pas encore pleinement déferlé. Le sens historique de l'événement est encore en gestation. Mais la vague a depuis longtemps dépassé son lieu initial : l'Allemagne et la Suisse ont renoncé au nucléaire, l'ancien Premier ministre Koizumi explique pourquoi le Japon doit suivre leur exemple, Areva, « géant français du nucléaire », est en train de disparaître, la Chine envisageait en octobre 2015 la construction d'une centaine de centrales nucléaires. Ce travail sur Fukushima entend surfer le tsunami de l'événement, il a donc connu plusieurs étapes qui tentent chaque fois d'être une avancée. Les étapes précédentes sont tout aussi importantes que les suivantes et ...

International audience ; My work intends to situate the meaning of the Fukushima catastrophe in world history. It is worldwide collaborative construction. The present paper opens a debate referring to the meaning of the Lisbon earthquake in the European 18th century Enlightenment process, exemplified for instance by Voltaire's Candide. The French title "epistemico-political" refers precisely to the "theologico-politique" explored by Spinoza in the second half of the 17th century.It is the challenge of the present stage of modernity. ; Le but est de situer Fukushima dans l'histoire mondiale. L'adjectif épistémo-politique fait référence à la question du théologico-politique propre au XVIIe siècle européen, tel que l'a développé Spinoza dans son traité. Son urgence et ses conséquences caractérisent notre temps, sans effacer pour autant le problème traité par Spinoza. Cinq ans après la catastrophe, le choc initial semble en apparence assimilé par nos vies quotidiennes, intégré à nos attitudes et comportements. Mais rien n'est oublié : le sens de l'événement continue à se déployer et construire. Dès le 11 mars 2011, la catastrophe a déclenché une investigation et un apprentissage collectifs d'une profondeur semblable aux événements disruptifs qui ont marqué l'histoire moderne. Ce processus ne peut être comparé qu'à un tsunami. La vague ne cesse de monter, elle n'a pas encore pleinement déferlé. Le sens historique de l'événement est encore en gestation. Mais la vague a depuis longtemps dépassé son lieu initial : l'Allemagne et la Suisse ont renoncé au nucléaire, l'ancien Premier ministre Koizumi explique pourquoi le Japon doit suivre leur exemple, Areva, « géant français du nucléaire », est en train de disparaître, la Chine envisageait en octobre 2015 la construction d'une centaine de centrales nucléaires. Ce travail sur Fukushima entend surfer le tsunami de l'événement, il a donc connu plusieurs étapes qui tentent chaque fois d'être une avancée. Les étapes précédentes sont tout aussi importantes que les suivantes et ...

Traduction japonaise, original anglais disponible en ligne sur HAL-SHS. Remerciements à Matoba Hiroshi pour sa traduction. ; International audience ; This paper responds to two different contexts. The first one was the coming UK referendum and, whatever the result, the challenge for the EU to reinvent itself or dissolve if it continues failing European populations. The second context was a deep questioning in Japan, but also in South Korea, about the future of East Asia and of ASEAN: is a convergence possible beyond economic interactions? How to breach cultural divides? How to overcome the search for hegemony, deep historical hatred, in order to reach and establish a common ground? The paper analyzes the presupposition of the European construction from the beginning: a union can be negotiated and instituted by the construction of a joint or common economic sphere. This construction has always denied or even repressed the fact that the autonomization of the economic sphere is complex historical process different for each nation in Europe or in the rest of the world. So the economic sphere has different relations to politics, society, knowledge production and education, even religion, in each nation. The same can be said of the conception and practice of public opinion, the structure and role of the state, etc. A union based on the presupposition of a common economic sphere becomes unsustainable in time of crisis. No solution can be hoped from the minds of politicians and bureaucrats: they don't act at the level where solutions can be found. "Culture", like "market", does not touch the problems at stake. The only real solution is to produce and share knowledge on the differentiation in each case of politics, civil society, the economy, research and education, even religion in order to map the differences and the family ressemblance between the different national trajectories. This joint knowledge is the only common ground of a coherent and creative union in Europe. It is also true in other parts of the world where ...

International audience ; The objective is to analyse the cultural, social and political conditions of a decisive period of Japan's modernity known by the slogan of "overcoming modernity" (kindai no chokoku). This slogan is the title of a colloquium, which took place in Tokyo in July 1942, eight months after Pearl Harbour, and associated influential and respected intellectuals. This colloquium and slogan signalled a deep and pervasive cultural, political and societal syndrome, conducive in the case of Japan to fascism and ultra-nationalism. But this syndrome is not an experience unique to Japan. It is observed in every modern society, as a step in ofits past but also present evolution. This syndrome signals therefore an ambiguous and highly dangerous period. It expresses the collective experience of a society at a given moment. This experience conditions its relation to the past, its understanding of theits present situationand also the capacity of individuals and groups to respond to theiris present situation. TBut this collective experience is expressed in metaphysics subjective experience and inter-subjective bond reinforcing a community under intense pressure. In Japan, "oOvercoming modernity" expressed a deep disenchantment with toward modernizsation's effects and sequels, along with grea deep individual anxiety and collective confusion. The case of Japan provides us with a unique knowledge of a major societal syndrome. The goal is to construct a theory capable of identifying today similar periods of deep political and cultural instability in nations like China, France, Russia and others, with the goal to analyse these cases and evaluate the resulting risks and potential responses.

International audience ; The objective is to analyse the cultural, social and political conditions of a decisive period of Japan's modernity known by the slogan of "overcoming modernity" (kindai no chokoku). This slogan is the title of a colloquium, which took place in Tokyo in July 1942, eight months after Pearl Harbour, and associated influential and respected intellectuals. This colloquium and slogan signalled a deep and pervasive cultural, political and societal syndrome, conducive in the case of Japan to fascism and ultra-nationalism. But this syndrome is not an experience unique to Japan. It is observed in every modern society, as a step in ofits past but also present evolution. This syndrome signals therefore an ambiguous and highly dangerous period. It expresses the collective experience of a society at a given moment. This experience conditions its relation to the past, its understanding of theits present situationand also the capacity of individuals and groups to respond to theiris present situation. TBut this collective experience is expressed in metaphysics subjective experience and inter-subjective bond reinforcing a community under intense pressure. In Japan, "oOvercoming modernity" expressed a deep disenchantment with toward modernizsation's effects and sequels, along with grea deep individual anxiety and collective confusion. The case of Japan provides us with a unique knowledge of a major societal syndrome. The goal is to construct a theory capable of identifying today similar periods of deep political and cultural instability in nations like China, France, Russia and others, with the goal to analyse these cases and evaluate the resulting risks and potential responses.

International audience ; The objective is to analyse the cultural, social and political conditions of a decisive period of Japan's modernity known by the slogan of "overcoming modernity" (kindai no chokoku). This slogan is the title of a colloquium, which took place in Tokyo in July 1942, eight months after Pearl Harbour, and associated influential and respected intellectuals. This colloquium and slogan signalled a deep and pervasive cultural, political and societal syndrome, conducive in the case of Japan to fascism and ultra-nationalism. But this syndrome is not an experience unique to Japan. It is observed in every modern society, as a step in ofits past but also present evolution. This syndrome signals therefore an ambiguous and highly dangerous period. It expresses the collective experience of a society at a given moment. This experience conditions its relation to the past, its understanding of theits present situationand also the capacity of individuals and groups to respond to theiris present situation. TBut this collective experience is expressed in metaphysics subjective experience and inter-subjective bond reinforcing a community under intense pressure. In Japan, "oOvercoming modernity" expressed a deep disenchantment with toward modernizsation's effects and sequels, along with grea deep individual anxiety and collective confusion. The case of Japan provides us with a unique knowledge of a major societal syndrome. The goal is to construct a theory capable of identifying today similar periods of deep political and cultural instability in nations like China, France, Russia and others, with the goal to analyse these cases and evaluate the resulting risks and potential responses.

International audience ; The objective is to analyse the cultural, social and political conditions of a decisive period of Japan's modernity known by the slogan of "overcoming modernity" (kindai no chokoku). This slogan is the title of a colloquium, which took place in Tokyo in July 1942, eight months after Pearl Harbour, and associated influential and respected intellectuals. This colloquium and slogan signalled a deep and pervasive cultural, political and societal syndrome, conducive in the case of Japan to fascism and ultra-nationalism. But this syndrome is not an experience unique to Japan. It is observed in every modern society, as a step in ofits past but also present evolution. This syndrome signals therefore an ambiguous and highly dangerous period. It expresses the collective experience of a society at a given moment. This experience conditions its relation to the past, its understanding of theits present situationand also the capacity of individuals and groups to respond to theiris present situation. TBut this collective experience is expressed in metaphysics subjective experience and inter-subjective bond reinforcing a community under intense pressure. In Japan, "oOvercoming modernity" expressed a deep disenchantment with toward modernizsation's effects and sequels, along with grea deep individual anxiety and collective confusion. The case of Japan provides us with a unique knowledge of a major societal syndrome. The goal is to construct a theory capable of identifying today similar periods of deep political and cultural instability in nations like China, France, Russia and others, with the goal to analyse these cases and evaluate the resulting risks and potential responses.

Original English version of a communication to be published in a German translation/version originale d'une communication qui paraîtra en traduction allemande. ; International audience ; The goal is to oppose the concept of energy transition to the concept of climate change. Climate change has been proven. But policies to oppose, reduce or curb climate change are elusive, obviously difficult to design and negotiate. It is impossible to evaluate the probability of their successful implementation. It presupposes that a agreement by a large number of countries would perform such policies. My goal is to explain that the concept of energy transition raises epistemological and political issues, which can be researched and debated at different theoretical and practical levels. The notion of "energy" obviously associates technological, industrial, environmental, political, and geopolitical issues, which cannot be separated. The notion of "climate change" positions a real problem at a level beyond real political reach. By contrast the notion of energy transition designates the level at which these issues can be negotiated into effective policies. ; Le but est d'opposer la notion de transition énergétique à celle de changement climatique. Le changement climatique est un fait établi. Ce qui n'est pas établi est qu'il soit possible d'organiser des politiques capables de s'opposer à des processus bio-physiques complexes. Débattre du changement climatique est donc ambigu. Par opposition, la notion de transition énergétique est directement technologique, industrielle, sociale politique et géopolitique. Elle désigne un champ de connaissances qui tout en étant conflictuel permet une recherche interdisciplinaire susceptible de définir aussi bien les domaines de recherche en ingénierie et en sciences sociales que les négociations géopolitiques à entreprendre. La notion de changement climatique entrave la recherche de solutions géopolitiques, industrielles et technologiques alors que la notion de transition énergétique indique le ...